As Cancun begins, deep pessimism abounds

Frank McDonald has a timely overview of state of near-paralysis that has engulfed global efforts to arrest climate change in today’s Irish Times (including a good plug for ThinkOrSwim), though I might quibble with the statement: “many scientists now say that the melting glaciers will cause sea levels to rise by one metre by 2100”.

A paper in ‘Science‘ last year pointed out: “The last time carbon dioxide levels were apparently as high as they are today – and were sustained at those levels – global temperatures were 5 to 10 degrees Fahrenheit higher than they are today, the sea level was approximately 75 to 120 feet higher than today, there was no permanent sea ice cap in the Arctic and very little ice on Antarctica and Greenland”.

In other words, we are now ‘locking-in’ centuries of unstoppable sea-level rises that will re-draw the map of the world, innundate the majority of the world’s major cities and fertile river deltas, turn Ireland into an ever-shrinking archipelago and displace billions of people – to where, exactly? Frank concludes his piece on Cancun aptly: “The only question is whether anyone will notice”.

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(From the Irish Times) NOBODY EXPECTS much to emerge from the latest UN climate change conference which opens today in the Mexican resort of Cancºn. Unlike all the hype that preceded last year’s Copenhagen summit, it has barely registered in the public consciousness. And in any case, people are preoccupied by more pressing issues.

Environmentalist John Gibbons, who blogs on www.thinkorswim.ie, says there is “no doubt but that climate change has fallen off the public agenda compared with, say, 12 months ago. Then, there was cautious optimism pre-Copenhagen. And Obama still looked like he might deliver on “cap-and-trade” [in carbon emissions].

That was then . . .

Now, he senses “an enormous sense of frustration, bordering on despair, in both the ‘traditional’ and ‘pragmatic’ environmental camps. Despair in some quarters is bordering on panic, as the numbers keep getting worse and worse”. For example, average temperatures in Greenland went up by 3.8-8.8 degrees last winter.

This was “way ahead of projections” by the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. As a result, the New York Times reported on November 13th, many scientists now say that the melting glaciers will cause sea levels to rise by nearly one metre by 2100, and this “would pose a threat to coastal regions the world over”.

The year drawing to a close has been marked by “extreme weather events”, such as the record-breaking heatwave in Moscow last July and August when temperatures soared to nearly 40 degrees, or the monsoon floods in Pakistan, which submerged nearly a fifth of the country, affecting the lives of 20 million people.

The political context is not encouraging, particularly in the US. Last July, a climate change and energy Bill that would have inaugurated a “cap and trade” regime for carbon emissions was abandoned by Democrats in the US Senate after it ran into opposition from Republicans and even some fearful Democrats.

Although President Barack Obama put his name to the G20’s recent Seoul summit declaration reaffirming “our resolute commitment to fight climate change”, the issue was far down the agenda – on page 16 of the 17-page document, way behind measures to promote “strong, sustainable and balanced [economic] growth”.

The blinkers are on nearly everywhere. When Coal India, a huge government-owned company, offered 10 per cent of its shares to investors, the 510-page prospectus didn’t once mention climate change – even though coal is the most carbon-potent of fossil fuels and burning it contributes significantly to emissions.

Former Greenpeace climate negotiator Jeremy Leggett, now executive chairman of Solar Century, noted with exasperation that the offering was oversubscribed 15-fold – mainly by foreign fund managers. Thus, Coal India’s shares soared on the first day of trading (November 4th), effectively valuing the company at €36 billion.

“Those ending up owning stock include some 484 foreign funds, 195 mutual funds, 44 insurance companies and many banks. Many of these investors were using ordinary citizens’ money, and this would have included the nest eggs of many people worried about global warming and its dire impact on the world by the time they retire.”

Even campaigning Guardian columnist George Monbiot has thrown in the towel. “In terms of real hopes for global action on climate change, we are now far behind where we were in 1997, or even 1992 . . . When talks fail once, as they did in Copenhagen, governments lose interest. They don’t want to be associated with failure . . .

Yet the scientific evidence continues to accumulate. As Monbiot noted, the first eight months of 2010 were as hot as the first eight months of 1998, which were the warmest on record, according to the US National Oceanic at Atmospheric Administration. But paradoxically, “the stronger the warnings, the less capable of action we become”.

The disappointing outcome of last December’s Copenhagen summit contributed to this crisis of confidence. Although world leaders cobbled together an “accord” recognising the scientific view that the increase in global temperature should be kept below 2 degrees, no specific measures were adopted to achieve this objective.

This paralysis is causing unease and dismay even in the corporate sector. On November 16th, some of the world’s largest investors (with collective assets totalling $15 trillion) called on governments to “take action now in the fight against global warming or risk economic disruptions far more severe than the recent financial crisis”.

The 259 signatories included such major players as Allianz Global Investors and HSBC Global Asset Management as well as many of the largest European pension funds and a dozen US public pension funds and state treasurers. It was claimed to be the largest ever group of investors to call for international action on climate change.

What they’re seeking is a set of clear policies that would encourage private sector investment in low-carbon technologies.

Although global clean energy investments are expected to exceed $200 billion this year, they said this was “substantially less” than the $500 billion required annually by 2020 to keep warming below 2 degrees.

To boost this investment, they called for short-, mid- and long-term greenhouse gas reduction targets; “strong and sustained price signals on carbon emissions”, new policies to accelerate deployment of energy efficiency, renewable energy, green buildings, clean vehicles and clean fuels, and a phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies – pledged by the G20.

The phase-out of such subsidies, estimated to be worth $312 million a year, has also been endorsed by the International Energy Agency (IEA). In a report published earlier this month, it said that abolishing them would “enhance energy security, reduce emissions of greenhouse gases and air pollution, and bring economic benefits”.

In its World Energy Outlook 2010, the IEA warned that the long-term cost of governments pursuing weak policies on climate change – as most of them are doing now – would be an additional $1 trillion to cut carbon emissions after 2020, or run the risk that the rise in global temperatures would reach a disastrous 3.5 degrees.

“This is not good for anybody – neither for energy producers nor consumers. That is why we are ringing the alarm bells strongly with this report,” IEA chief economist Fatih Birol told the European Energy Review. “What is needed very badly is a clear signal for the energy sector to transform itself.” And so far, that signal hasn’t come.

Meanwhile, Sir Richard Branson and others have recently set up the dramatically titled “Carbon War Room” with the aim of harnessing the power of entrepreneurs to implement “market-driven solutions” to climate change and create a post-carbon economy. It will be making waves in Cancºn. The only question is whether anyone will notice.

Posted in Global Warming, Irish Focus, Sustainability | Tagged , , , , | 5 Comments

Calling the media to account for climate change coverage

Based on measurements for the first ten months of this year, 2010 is now reckoned to be tied with the scorching 1998 as the two hottest years globally since reliable record-keeping began in 1850. This of course is on top of the decade 2000-2009, which has already been confirmed as the hottest yet recorded. Or put it another way: every single year from 2000-2010 inclusive has been hotter than any other year recorded since 1850, with the solitary exception of 1998.

These unequivocal scientific facts come against the warning from UN under-secretary, Robert Orr: “As preparations are underway for the next IPCC report, just about everything that you will see in the next report will be more dramatic than the last report, because that is where all the data is pointing.”

Climate deniers constantly complain that the IPCC’s AR4 in 2007 got it wrong. Turns out they may have a point, but in precisely the opposite direction than the Pollyanna projections from the Tolborg wing of climate disinformation.

Communications expert and author, Prof Justin Lewis of the University of Cardiff was in Trinity College Dublin last night as one of a panel of speakers at the Earthtalks event, the theme of which was to look critically at the role and performance of the media in covering topics from climate change to sustainability, resource depletion and green energy.

So, how have we been doing then? The first hint is that you won’t find a line about last night’s meeting in any of today’s papers. You might say we’re now so collectively preoccupied with worrying about the plummeting value of our White Star Line shares that we’ve abandoned the crow’s nest and taken our eyes off the icebergs.

“We live in a risk society”, Lewis mused. “We worry about things like our kids being abducted by paedophiles, things that are extremely remote possibilities, but when faced by a huge crisis like climate change, which will lead to the deaths of hundreds of millions and potentially billions of people, most people just shrug their shoulders and say ‘a bit warmer is OK with me'”.

The media, he acknowledges, has and continues to be more a part of the problem than the solution, and by and large, serious media coverage of climate change, from a peak in late 2007, has fallen away at precisely the time that the scientific evidence has been strengthening and its implications have become ever more alarming.

Globally, the advertising business is now worth $445 billion a year, and advertising spend has increased an astonishing 60-fold since the 1950s. “Advertising now colonises every cultural space in society”, Lewis pointed out. “We regard advertising as apolitical, but collectively, it is deeply political, selling the message that happiness and satisfaction comes from buying something. In a world of over-consumption, that is a deeply political message”.

He pointed out the basic axiom that for every newspaper article or TV programmed pointing out the dangers of climate change and resource depletion, there are tens of thousands of adverts (and plenty of editorial too) selling the precise opposite message.

The function of news should, he added, be to create and nurture an informed citizenry. “The 24/7 news culture means that news rapidly becomes obsolete – what’s important is what’s current, up to date; it’s not surprising in this context that the media is not doing a good job on reporting climate change”.

The media’s determination to ‘cover the controversy’ has led to massive skewing of coverage. A relatively minor typographical error about the expected date by which the Himalayas are expected to lose their glaciers received blanket media space, he pointed out, “those few lines probably got more coverage than the 3,000 other pages in the report”.

The news media’s frame of ‘balance’ is paradoxically a major contributor to imbalance, with the skeptic/denialist position enjoying practically zero support among the scientific community but given massive uncritical coverage (and credibility) by the media, in the interest of a meaningless construct called “the debate”.

“With its focus on techno-fixes, the media displays a consumerist attitude to climate change, rather than querying the consumerist credo itself. On our attitude to  growth, there is an increasing body of opinion that economic growth is not all it’s cracked up to be, yet the idea that we should even question ‘growth’ is not even being raised (in the media). In this context, it’s very hard for us to even imagine a world in which there could be balance rather than constant growth”.

Seamus Dooley of the NUJ also made a useful contribution to the debate, admitting that “the media is (lagging) behind everyone else when it comes to climate change”. An over-dependence on advertising, especially property advertising, “compromised the ability of journalists to do their jobs”.

The recent wave of redundancies and out-sourcing has led to a collective loss of experience and expertise in many newsrooms, with fewer inexperienced journalists now expected to produce more and more articles. Many environmental stories are complex, and evolve slowly, and they require in-depth understanding among reporters that more often than not is simply not there, said Dooley, who strongly advocates for ‘in-service’ training for journalists of all grades to ensure their skills are keeping up with the issues they are required to cover.

The human dynamo that is Communications Minister, Eamon Ryan last night had the demeanour of a man who hadn’t slept properly in a month, but to his credit, he made an unscripted contribution and stayed for the full debate. He spoke of his passion for ecology being awoken as a 15-year old. “I’ve tried everything (to get people to understand climate change) but no matter what you say, the headline still says ‘shock, horror, the Greens have put up the carbon tax”.

And before you nod off, what about that Climate Bill, Minister? “I believe it will be published, I hope we’ll get it through in January – this legislation is the legacy we’d like to leave”. Molly Walsh of FOE put it well earlier today: “When John Gormley and Eamon Ryan were recommending going into Government to their members in 2007 they said they knew it was a deal with the devil. But they said that the urgency of climate change meant it was worth it. It was why they went to planet Bertie, to save planet earth from the climate crisis….Leave without it, and they will have been to planet Bertie and back, and failed on the aim of the mission”. Hear hear.

Two nights earlier, the redoubtable Mary Robinson delivered a superb contribution to a packed audience in the Round Room of Dublin’s Mansion House. Her topic, in the EPA climate change series was: “Reshaping the debate on climate change”, and she pulled few punches.

There are, she pointed out, “powerful media figures giving oxygen to the (climate) deniers”. The main motivation of the media in this instance was, she argued, “of wanting a particular approach to governance” (i.e. laissez-faire economics). “Some within the media are very big players – Mr (Rupert) Murdoch is a problem – let’s call him by his name”, she said, to sustained applause.

The Murdoch press, notably Fox News in the US, has done untold damage to the fight against climate change and its toadying to corporatism; its media tentacles here in Ireland are extensive, from Sky News to the Sunday Times, The Sun and of course the News of the World (home of “columnist” Bertie-in-the-cabinet Ahern).

Echoing Justin Lewis’ points, Robinson stated bluntly: “we’ve reached the limits of the the world’s development space”. Despite the current media-stoked spasm of denialism, “as climate events proliferate, their man-made causes will become ever more difficult to deny”. The current level of global economic growth of around 2% per annum “is simply not compatible with the urgent need to reduce emissions – even with a revolution in green technologies, it’s clear that stark choices lie ahead”.

As the atmospheric carrying capacity for CO2 is at or approaching critical levels, “the space for carbon-driven development no longer exists for developing countries. We’ve used up the (atmospheric) space for a safe world….we’ve been using it in a greedy way, we have confiscated this development space from the poor, and the poor are further paying for the ravages of climate change that they contributed little to create”.

We live, she added, “in a world of increasing intimacy; my carbon-rich lifestyle directly contributes to floods and droughts elsewhere…the good life we still enjoy here in Ireland has been built in part on the precariousness of the lives of climate refugees in Bangladesh”.

Despite the media panic-driven coverage of the very serious economic crisis in Ireland, “we don’t have the luxury of not attending to the longer term”, Robinson reminded her audience, in what was a commanding performance from a woman whose powers of reason, passion and persuasion remain undiminished after more than four decades of fighting the good fight.

She moves back to Ireland permanently next month. It can’t come a moment too soon.

Posted in Global Warming, Irish Focus, Media, Sceptics, Sustainability | 11 Comments

Restructure debt, and phase out compound interest thats what our environmental and financial crises tell us

Agree or disagree with him, Morgan Kelly’s analysis in the Irish Times last week is a must read. Closing Ireland’s €20 billion deficit by €6 billion in 2011 spending is all fine and well, but it won’t do enough to stave off the EU/IMF he argues.

Kelly contends that bad news from AIB and BoI will drip-feed over coming months (as more household mortgages go bad) and Ireland will be unable to borrow unaided in 2011.

According to Kelly, Ireland is insolvent but still liquid. The country still has enough cash in the bank to struggle on into 2011 but it has no underlying capacity to repay the liabilities it has amassed, much of them accruing from the bailout of Anglo, AIB, BoI etc.

September 2010 saw Ireland replace debts it accrued to foreign banks (dating back to the 2008 guarantee) with debts to the European Central Bank. So now there’s no longer any chance to default to foreign bondholders. If we can’t repay from here on the default would be to our own Central Bank.

And we can’t repay, according to Kelly, and Ireland will cede control to the EU and IMF. The IMF/EU will dictate the rate of interest on a bailout fund. Kelly reckons the ECB might impose a high interest rate to make an example of Ireland, lest anyone in Madrid or Rome think they can trick around with high budget deficits, thinking the ECB is a soft touch.

If the interest rate on the bailout fund is higher than 2 per cent Ireland won’t be able to repay the bailout monies, according to Kelly. Ireland’s only chance is to achieve a high rate of GDP growth.

According to Constantin Gurdgiev the EU/IMF will impose a rate of around 4.5 per cent and Ireland will have to achieve an annual growth rate higher than 6.5 per cent to meet the repayments.

For anyone with an eye to Ireland’s environment, the idea of 6.5 per cent year-on-year economic growth is a destructive cocktail. A key part of the problem in the ten years to 2007 was the breakneck levels of growth.

To boot, Ireland is under growing pressure to sell assets: Coillte, Bord na Mona, Bord Gais, Eirgrid, ESB and RTE are increasing on the line. Sure, semi-states have their flaws, but retaining them in State ownership allows room for reform and change. And this contrasts with the Eircom experience, where ownership by venture capitalists has proved a recipe for asset stripping, cut-and-run profit-taking, and something of a come-what-may attitude to longer term consequences.

Eamon Ryan was on Friday’s Drivetime programme with Mary Wilson on RTE Radio One making the pitch to retain ESB et al. (There’s an irony here: a considered stance by Ryan on the banks and he wouldn’t be fighting such a rearguard action on sale of the semi-states.) What now for the semi-states if we enter an era where the control held by Irish politicians is much reduced?

Growth and Debt

Annual economic growth rates of 6.5 per cent – which Gurdgiev regards as a minimum to avoid default – are the last thing any western country should be striving after. GDP growth brings adverse environmental consequences because more production, consumption and disposal lead to greater use of resources, higher levels of carbon dioxide, and increases in other pollutants.

The problems with growth were signalled years ago by Robert Kennedy and charted in detail recently by Tim Jackson . As summarised elsewhere on this blog,  there is a level of wealth beyond which the chief consequence of further growth is environmental and societal harm – and that level of wealth Ireland reached in the 1990s.

But under the yoke of debt Ireland ‘needs’ GDP growth to pay off borrowings – and it is forced to keep expanding its economy so that higher levels of productivity and profits might at some point overhaul the debt payments.

As compound interest requires more to be paid back than was lent out, the growth imperative takes centrestage. All economies Pay Day Loans have to swell under the growth/debt paradigm – and the amount by which each country’s economy must expand has a lot to do with how indebted it is.

The problem doesn’t stem so much from GDP growth itself but debt-based finance that we have allowed take hold.

If debt-based finance is treated as sacrosanct, as Richard Douthwaite noted many years ago, the world will be unable to escape the growth/depression cycle and find a type of economy that is actually sustainable over the long term. We cannot expand our economies and reduce the emissions brought about by that expansion. Yes we can have one of them – but not both.

Restructuring debt and banning compound interest

This is being missed currently. The pressure now on Ireland to sell assets and swell its economy is just a symptom of a failing system. Viewed against the map of Ireland, the debt/growth bind is more glaring than Greece, Portugal, Spain and Italy, but the same problem has been – or is being – visited on these countries too.

Phasing out debt-based finance is the only way to get out of the requirement for economic expansion, and once that’s gone there’s no longer the compulsion to grow a country’s economy to repay outstanding debt.

Does banning the charging of compound interest by 2015 or 2020 sound radical? A longer historical perspective tells a different story. Many ancient societies had a better understanding of the consequences of compound interest than we do, banning usury for example. Unlike us, there was a greater acceptance that there is not always more and more, that finite resources cannot be made infinite.

Fiddle with a fantasy, or acknowledge the fact of limits

It is POSSIBLE for the Irish economy to grow at 6 or 7 per cent a year. I’m not disputing this. In the same way it’s possible for Ireland’s politicians to buy into the notion of high growth in future years. Indeed, most of them are already doing so, saying that they believe all will be ‘manageable’ if certain budgetary cuts are made.

But this does not take from the fact that such growth is undesirable. Our financial system should merely be a tool by which society supports itself, not a bind that locks humanity into self-destruction.

Continuing to put economics ahead of environmental considerations simply because of the way we’ve arranged our financial system is cutting the branch we sit on.

Societies have collapsed before after undermining their environments, stretching right back to ancient civilisations in the Indus Valley and Middle East.

European leadership?

Surges by European countries to exploit resources for GDP growth will harm Europe’s environment – and the EU is supposed to take a global lead here, being the longest-standing offender when it comes to environmental damage.

The challenge for Irish politicians is to make common cause across other European countries. Negotiations over debt restructuring and phasing out compound interest won’t be easy. But if Europe is to lead it has to do just that.

After the failed Copenhagen climate conference European politicians expressed dissatisfaction with how the US, China and others turned their backs on climate justice.

Europe’s leaders know that economic growth – other than that which enables the world’s poor to attain a comfortable standard of living – takes from those same people they profess to help. The more growth among those who already have plenty, the further the planet’s resource carrying capacity is exceeded, and the further richer groups of nations – like Europe – turn their back on their supposed priorities.

There a clear link between environmental and financial stewardship. Very recent history has highlighted the need for robust regulation across all members of the eurozone. This wasn’t appreciated centrally – in Frankfurt, Brussels or Berlin – as well as in Athens, Dublin or Lisbon.

The question now is whether Frankfurt, Brussels and Berlin will repeat the same mistake again, overlooking what actually happens in member countries, this time leaving Europe and beyond in an unfixable mess of runaway emissions and car-crash climate change.

Posted in Economics, Global Warming, Irish Focus | Tagged , , , , , | 6 Comments

Out of his depth in Deepwater thinking…

According to a tweet from John Gormley in the last couple of hours, a climate change bill will finally make its way to the Cabinet next Tuesday (16th). Much credit here is due to Labour’s Liz McManus, rapporteur on the Oireachtas Climate Change Committee and tireless campaigner for a strong climate law for years.

“As the threat of global warming grows inexorably the case for a legislative response is compelling”, McManus wrote in the Forward to the committee’s Second Report on Climate Change Law, published last month. The bill provides for aggressive emissions reductions targets, with the meeting of these targets the direct responsibility of the Taoiseach of the day.

(a PhD student from TCD takes issue with the likely effectiveness of such a route over at Irisheconomy.ie, arguing: “Setting ambitious long-term targets might sound good, but in reality this does not provide any greater certainty to businesses, investors, or consumers, simply because such targets are purely aspirational and are not credible without specific measures to achieve them”. Interesting points, shame about the source.)

For this commentator, it is unfathomable that the Greens would have chosen to stay lashed to the mast of the rapidly sinking ‘Good Ship FF’ unless they did so with the determination to deliver on their most critical commitment – a strong climate change law. Looks like this may finally be realised, though quite how much watering down has taken place remains to be seen.

Energy minister Eamon Ryan hosted US Energy Secretary (and Nobel laureate) Stephen Chu in Government buildings last week. This is the first time I’ve seen Chu in person. He is indeed an outstanding scientist, but a pretty rotten science communicator. At one point he referred to the development of green infrastructure, etc. in the US as among “the fundamental non-partisan issues”.

Clearly, if he honestly thinks this can be moved forward on non-partisan platform, he mustn’t have been paying attention to the Republican party’s ever-escalating war on reality. Take the quite mad Republican senator and prospective Energy Committee chairman, John Shimkus. This individual, clutching a thick copy of the Bible,  explained that the world will only end when God says so, i.e. no need to worry about climate change then!

Quite why highly educated, exceptionally clever folk like Chu and his boss, president Obama persist in trying to “engage on a bi-partisan basis” with a party that has been taken over by extremist Christian fundamentalists is a sorrowful mystery. You don’t “engage” with a mad dog. You back off slowly, while reaching for a sturdy club.

Back in Dublin, Ryan told the meeting that earlier that day, 30% of Ireland’s electrical power was coming from renewables, and he outlined how this could be seriously ramped up in the coming years. The main purpose of rapidly deploying renewables is two-fold: to reduce our dependence on (expensive) imported energy and to move towards ultra-low to zero emissions energy as swiftly as possible.

And who could agree with such laudable strategic energy goals? Who else indeed, other perhaps than our very own Minister for Natural Resources, Conor Lenihan. While Ryan is busily selling Ireland to the world as the next vanguard of renewable energy, Lenihan announces that Ireland, just like the Niger delta, is “open for business” – for offshore oil drilling. Seriously. And on a grand scale:

“The 2011 Atlantic Margin Licensing Round which I launched earlier this year…. this innovative round will be Ireland’s largest to date, covering an area of just over a quarter of a million square kilometres including a number of large sedimentary basins with proven petroleum prospectivity.”

And the depths involved? “The area on offer extends from about 30-380 km from shore with water depths typically ranging from 200m, or less, to over 3,000m”, says Lenihan. OK, let’s take that last figure again. 3,000 metres. That’s three kilometres – straight down.

Is it really safe to drill down that far from a deep sea platform? Let me think….well, the Deepwater Horizon disaster, the well that blew last April and continued for months, largely because it occurred so deep down as to make it extremely difficult to plug the leak…that occurred at 1,500 metres. Or 1.5 km straight down. Or, if you prefer, at HALF the depth Minister Lenihan is proposing letting the same wizards muck around at just off our coastlines. Meanwhile, the rigs will be battered by the mountainous north Atlantic ocean…

It’s unfair to suggest we could end up with the Gulf of Mexico, Part II on our blackened hands. Our version would be far, far worse. Clearly, a similar disaster in 3,000 metres would effectively be irremediable, and we would probably end up destroying coastlines from Mizen head to as far south as the north west coast of Spain. Not to mention, of course, the ecological calamity and extermination of our tourism and fishing industries into the bargain.

Perhaps Conor is trying to one-up his big brother again: any disaster Brian can inflict on this benighted isle via his capitulation to the banks and bond holders, little bro’ can easily match with the mother of all oil slicks off our ruined coastline. And since Conor is luring the oilmen here “with a competitive tax regime, in which their business will flourish”, we can take it the State won’t be over-burdened with substantial royalty payments with which to help finance the clean up?

The US government may have had the muscle to force BP to pay for the Gulf of Mexico disaster, but as much oil as that is dumped into the Niger delta every year for the last two decades, and the only people paying are the ordinary Nigerians whose lands have been destroyed and lives blighted by reckless oil drilling and profiteering.

The press statement with all this joyous news about Ireland’s commitment to deep-sea oil drilling emanated from Adelaide Road in Dublin 2, home to the Department of Communications, Energy & Natural Resources – and its Green senior minister.

You would struggle to make this stuff up.

Posted in Energy, Global Warming, Irish Focus | Tagged , , , , | 12 Comments

Yee haw! We’re gonna lynch us some Scientists!

Climate change denial is an article of faith for Tea Party candidates in today’s mid-term US elections, the New York Times reports.

“Skepticism and outright denial of global warming are among the articles of faith of the Tea Party movement… for some, it is a matter of religious conviction; for others, it is driven by distrust of those they call the elites. And for others still, efforts to address climate change are seen as a conspiracy to impose world government and a sweeping redistribution of wealth. But all are wary of the Obama administration’s plans to regulate carbon dioxide, a ubiquitous gas, which will require the expansion of government authority into nearly every corner of the economy”, according to the NYT.

A New York Times/CBS News Poll conducted this month found that only 14% of Tea Party supporters said that global warming is an environmental problem that is having an effect now, compared with 49% of the rest of the public. More than half of Tea Party supporters said that global warming would have no serious effect at any time in the future, while only 15% of other Americans share that entirely erroneous view, the poll found.

And 8% of Tea Party followers volunteered that they did not believe global warming exists at all, compared with just 1% of the rest of the public.

“Groups that help support Tea Party candidates include climate change skepticism in their core message. Americans for Prosperity, a group founded and largely financed by oil industry interests, has sponsored what it calls a Regulation Reality Tour to stir up opposition to climate change legislation and federal regulation of carbon emissions. Its Tea Party talking points describe a cap-and-trade system to reduce carbon emissions as “the largest excise tax in history.”

FreedomWorks, another group supported by the oil industry, helps organize Tea Party rallies and distributes fliers urging opposition to federal climate policy, which it calls a “power grab.”

The NYT article goes on to point out that of the 20 Republican Senate candidates in contested races, 19 question the science of global warming and oppose any comprehensive legislation to deal with it, according to a National Journal survey.

These views chime precisely with the fossil fuel industries, “which have for decades waged a concerted campaign to raise doubts about the science of global warming and to undermine policies devised to address it.

“They have created and lavishly financed institutes to produce anti-global-warming studies, paid for rallies and websites to question the science, and generated scores of economic analyses that purport to show that policies to reduce emissions of climate-altering gases will have a devastating effect on jobs and the overall economy.

Their views are spread by a number of widely followed conservative opinion leaders, including Mr. Limbaugh, Glenn Beck, Sean Hannity, George Will and Sarah Palin, who oppose government programs to address climate change and who question the credibility and motives of the scientists who have raised alarms about it.”

We should know by tomorrow evening if the lunatics have indeed completed their takeover of the asylum.

Posted in Global Warming, Media, Sceptics | 3 Comments

Of climate, slavery and tobacco

What, you might well ask, could climate change, slavery and tobacco possibly have in common? Quite a bit, it appears. The article below, courtesy of The Daily Climate, reports on a new study that compares current attitudes on climate change to the slow transformation of societal views on smoking bans and the abolition of slavery.

Knowing something scientifically is generally fairly straightforward: establish the strongest set of probabilities supported by the preponderance of evidence, then refine, refine and refine some more. Translating that knowledge into shared cultural beliefs is, it turns out, an altogether more subtle and elusive process.

This raises some interesting points, including the intriguing notion that “society fails to define or acknowledge a problem until it has the beginnings of a solution”. The upside of this insight is that, once feasible, large-scale solutions begin to emerge, public opinion can ‘flip’ quite dramatically.

But, as regularly reported here and elsewhere, the massive investment by vested interests in the carbon intensive status quo, and their bloody-minded determination to buy, bully and befuddle public and political opinion in favour of inaction means this transformation is indeed likely to be “sloppy, disruptive and prolonged”.

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Maybe what we have here isn’t just a failure to communicate.

Addressing climate change requires a shift in cultural attitudes about greenhouse gas emissions on a scale similar to the rise of abolitionism in the 19th century, according to a new study.

The conversation over climate disruption, in other words, must morph from a collection of scientific or moral facts to a set of established social facts, said University of Michigan researcher Andy Hoffman, professor of sustainable enterprise at the Ross School of Business.

Hoffman’s analysis, published in the journal Organizational Dynamics, compares current cultural norms on climate science to historical societal views on smoking and slavery.

“At core, this is a cultural question,” Hoffman said from Oxford University, where he is on sabbatical. The change in attitudes about smoking in the 20th century is similar. “The issue was not just whether cigarettes cause cancer. It was whether people believed it. The second process is wholly different from the first.”

For years, Hoffman noted, researchers raised the alarm over data linking smoking to lung cancer, only to see the public ignore it. Gradually awareness shifted, and now the public widely accepts the fact that smoking and second-hand smoke causes cancer, with bans on public smoking increasing and smoking rates and deaths on decline.

“They have become ‘social facts,’ and with that shift, action becomes possible,” he said.

Abolition offers an even more telling example of the difficulties associated with changing deeply set economic structures.

In the 1700s slavery was a primary source of energy and wealth worldwide, especially for the British Empire. Abolitionism challenged that way of life and threatened to trigger economic collapse. It took more than 100 years, several uprisings and a civil war to change cultural norms and abolish slavery.

Just as few people saw a moral problem with slavery in the 18th century, Hoffman said, few in the 21st century see a moral problem with burning fossil fuels.

The shift in value requires a new cultural perspective, he added.

The problem, Hoffman and others note, is that often society fails to define or acknowledge a problem until it has the beginnings of a solution.

Abolitionism gained traction with the advent of machinery and fossil fuels as an alternative to human toil. The Montreal Protocol, the international treaty protecting the Earth’s thin ozone layer, was triggered after DuPont developed an alternative to ozone-destroying chlorofluorocarbons, or CFCs.

“If we developed feasible and scalable renewable energy tomorrow, public opinion on climate would shift fairly quickly,” Hoffman said.

But while cultural shifts can happen suddenly, the debate over climate is likely to be sloppy, disruptive and prolonged, Hoffman acknowledged.

“People expect a shift overnight,” he said. “That’s not going to happen when the solution challenges the very foundations of our fossil-fuel-based society.”

Posted in Global Warming, Sustainability | 7 Comments

Crutzen’s tough medicine for a sick planet

Arguably one of the most significant figures of the last two centuries was in Dublin last night, where he presented a lecture in TCD, organised by the Royal Irish Academy. The man in question is Prof Paul Crutzen, the brilliant Dutch scientist and 1995 Nobel laureate in Chemistry for his work on stratospheric ozone depletion. This work was critical in the detection of the massive Antarctic ozone ‘hole’ in the early 1980s, and the subsequent international agreements to rapidly phase out the use of ozone-depleting CFCs.

It’s hardly an exaggeration to state that without Crutzen’s pioneering theoretical chemistry, it is entirely possible that ozone depletion would by now have extended unchecked, leaving large parts of the planet exposed to deadly solar UV radiation, and drastically redrawing the map of the habitable world.

Stratospheric ozone depletion was an early warning shot that human actions had the very real capability of having profound global consequences. Crutzen was also a leader in the development of the ‘nuclear winter’ theory that posited that a significant nuclear exchange would lead to a sharp drop in temperatures and a prolonged ‘global dimming’ as a result of huge amounts of smoke and aerosols ejected into the atmosphere. This would lead to widespread crop failures and global famine. Crutzen’s work pretty much put the kibosh on Reagan era neocon dreams of SDI and a ‘winnable’ nuclear war.

As if ozone depletion and nuclear winter weren’t enough for his CV, Crutzen also first introduced the term ‘Anthropocene’ (Era of Man) back in 2000. As a scientist, he recognised the ever-increasing human impacts spreading from the local and regional to global scales, and posited that man, for better or worse, is now the chief arbiter of planetary climate for the forseeable future.

He opened his presentation with a picture taken some 76 years ago of himself as a baby. Things, he pointed out, can change dramatically in the course of one short human life. He listed off the escalating tally of human impacts: in just three centuries, human population has increased ten-fold; worldwide, there are some 20 billion farm animals, including 1.4 billion cattle – a potent new source of the powerful GHG, methane.

Industrial output has increased 40-fold, our energy usage has shot up 16-fold, the amount of fish we catch is up 40-fold, water use, 9-fold, and so on. Perhaps his most compelling slide of the presentation was entitled ‘The Great Acceleration’; it was sub-divided into 12 sections, from population growth to fossil fuel usage, river damming, GDP, FDI and more besides. In the case of phosphates, their extraction rates for fertilisers has been prodigious, but only four countries are significant producers, and all global phosphate production is expected to peak by 2020. Its depletion, Crutzen pointed out, “is not being discussed, maybe because it’s such an awful future”.

The nub of Crutzen’s talk was around global warming and climate change. Climate stabilisation, he pointed out, would require greater than a 60% reduction in CO2 emissions globally, as well as a 70-80% reduction in NO. Yet, instead of reducing, or even stabilising, CO2 emissions are increasing at the breakneck rate of 2ppm per annum (Ireland’s dip in GHG emissions in 2009, due to the recession, is unlikely to put much of a dent in this figure).

Arresting global warming will take a wide range of sustained actions, from sharp reductions in GHG emissions, to dramatic improvements in energy efficiency, the greater use of both nuclear and renewables. And even if world leaders were now to finally act in concert, this belt-and-braces approach, he recognises, may still be inadequate, given just how far this crisis has been allowed to fester without remediation.

In an essay published in the journal ‘Climatic Change’ in 2006, he argued that an “escape route” is needed if global warming begins to run out of control. Crutzen proposed a method of artificially cooling the global climate by releasing particles of sulphur in the upper atmosphere, which would reflect sunlight and heat back into space.

This might sound crazy or reckless, but such is Crutzen’s reputation in atmospheric research that the proposal has been taken seriously, even though he knows only too well that it will do nothing whatever to address the damaging effects of rising CO2 levels, principally in ocean acidification. Drastic circumstances demand drastic remedies. “I wrote that paper in despair”, he told last night’s meeting. “When you see what has to be done to stabilise emissions, you get very upset”.

Any discussions around geo-engineering must not, he underlined “affect our resolve to reduce CO2 emissions. That must remain the number one priority, but unfortunately it’s not happening”. He concluded, as he began, with an image of a baby, but this time from another generation entirely. “My grandson will experience what we are doing (failing to contain GHG emissions) most vividly”, he said, with a note of anger in his voice for perhaps the first time in the evening.

Others who describe themselves as ‘experts’ may conclude that “the impact of climate change is relatively small… (and) will take us into uncharted territory, but so do many other things…”, or indeed, that air pollution is a bigger problem globally than climate change, or that we can afford to delay dramatic emissions reductions for decades (and any other number of ecological red herrings). However, when you sit and listen to a Nobel laureate and one of the most distinguished scientists of the last century laying it on the line so plainly, the dense haze of pseudo-scientific sophistry clears and the plain, unvarnished facts come into plain view.

And so we all must choose between believing in complacency and comforting lies or accepting some deeply painful truths. The very truths that, once grasped and truly internalised, may yet set us free.

Posted in Biodiversity, Global Warming, Habitat/Species | Tagged , , , , | 12 Comments

Critical Time For Climate Law: Transformation or Decline?

“An Irishman’s heart”, according to Geroge Bernard Shaw, “is nothing but his imagination”.

One interpretation of this wonderful double entendre is that as a people we are characterized by a creative approach to problem solving, artistic, ingenious, and flexible.

This characterization has certainly been brought into question further to the rapid demise of the celtic tiger. We generated enormous wealth, and all we could think to do with it was invest it in building houses, apartment buildings, car parks and hotels. We had an opportunity to build a smart, green and healthy society – we even knew how to do it – but we blew it.

Ireland’s first National Climate Change Strategy published in 2000 now reads like a list of missed opportunities: the promised progressive introduction of carbon taxes from 2002; the immediate rebalancing of VRT for cars; modal shift to public transport; comprehensive strategies to deal with energy inefficient housing; achieving higher residential densities; or negotiated agreements with industry to increase efficiency and reduce emissions.

The complete systems failure of planning policy over this period and successive examples of introduction of government legislation at the behest of special interests (or the inability to introduce reform which would have been in the public good) has been well documented. So bad had Dublin’s urban sprawl become that by 2005 the European Environmental Agency had begun using Dublin as an example of a “worst-case scenario” for new EU member states.

An evaluation of the history of climate change policy (which I have recently undertaken, see also this paper) in Ireland demonstrates clearly that policy formulating is not the main impediment – the ERM consultancy blueprint for Kyoto compliance and subsequent first climate change strategy of 2000 are excellent documents.

The issue is that none of the policies identified therein were implemented on time, and many still await implementation.

Research highlights two primary reasons for the failure to implement climate policy: lobbying of special interests against measures that are perceived to have a disproportionate impact on their stakeholders; and the support of these interests by their respective government departments. In these instances, legislation has often been postponed indefinitely. The public interest suffers.

This is why a climate law is required. What is significant about the proposed bill is the extent to which it would constitute an improvement on the current status quo as far as implementation of policies are concerned.

On Wednesday the D¡il Committee on Energy and Climate Change led by Liz McManus T.D. published a draft climate law. The worthy work of the committee and Deputy McManus in particular has served to keep the issue on the political radar.

A similar climate law which is being prepared by the Department of Environment apparently continues its slow progress. At Wednesday’s launch Deputy Trevor Sargent T.D. informed us that this bill was approaching finalisation.

Unfortunately there is now a real fear that the bill has been savaged beyond recognition and no longer resembles the robust piece of legislation which is required.

In seeking to address past failures of implementation the key aspects of the climate law are as follows:

  • It must establish 5-yearly “climate budgets” (to 2050), proposed by an independent Climate Change Commission. Longer time periods which do not coincide with electoral cycles are likely to have the effect of efforts being “back-loaded”. This would not constitute an improvement on the status quo. I am reliably informed that this aspect of the bill is currently being undermined.
  • These budgets should establish an overall emissions target and indicative greenhouse gas emissions trajectory for the economy, as well as an indistinctive trajectory for each polluting sector.
  • The bill must impose a statutory obligation on the CCC to report annually on:
    • Progress on meeting overall indicative target set out in budget;
    • Progress of sectors in meeting indicative sectoral trajectory set out in budget; and
    • Critically, is must empower the CCC to propose additional policies and measures to be implemented in the case where a “distance to indicative target” is identified. This “red flag” is an integral part of any proposed legislation. Without this mechanism, the proposed bill will not be an improvement on the current arrangement for formulation of climate policy.
    • This annual report must be published.

If the serving Government refuses to implement the recommendations of the CCC, they would be publically required to explain why the policy recommendations put forward by an independent and expert group were not being implemented, and identify alternative measures to bridge the “distance to target”.

The targets themselves are less important – they already exist under European law. It is about implementation, implementation, implementation.

There are “yerra it’ll be grand” elements in government and officialdom attempting to undermine the Bill and protect the status quo of failure. Clearly this bill is seen by the forces that brought this country to the brink of ruin as an impediment to growth and development, rather than an enabler of the low-carbon prosperity.

It is difficult to live in a country where this sort of “fail before we have started” mentality can predominate. It really is transformation or decline now for the Irish economy. If we do not have the vision and imagination to realize this, and the structures in place to affect this transformation, the future does not look bright.

The other interpretation of Shaw’s reflections on the Irishman’s heart would then be more appropriate: that we are a heartless lot that care nothing for the damage we are inflicting on our children’s and grandchildren’s generation, nor the world’s poor.

Posted in Global Warming | 11 Comments

Energy constraints will collapse global economic recovery

We may rail against the regulators, politicians, and others who failed to understand and manage past risks, but we are just as culpable for our failure to engage with severe, well-signposted, imminent ones. Impassioned arguments over bank nationalisation, the austerity-stimulus debate, and NAMA  consume us today, but in reality may be little more than a Lilliputian tussle over the fag-end of our globalised economy. But it seems we cannot see our own predicament.

Recent reports from sources as diverse as Lloyds Insurance and Chatham House, the UK Peak Oil Task Force, and US and German military think-tanks are the latest in a long list of warnings that we are at, or close to, a peak in global oil production. Peak oil refers to the time of the maximum rate of global oil production after which terminal decline sets in.

In a 2005 report for the US Department of Energy, the analyst Robert Hirsch wrote that: The peaking of world oil production presents … the world with an unprecedented risk management problem … The economic, social and political costs will be unprecedented … Timely, aggressive risk management will be essential. He suggested we would need at least twenty years pre-peak to manage those risks, an estimate that some of us who study these risks think optimistic. Hirsch then gave his advice to Forfas for their study on Ireland’s oil dependency.

Yet here we are, five years later, with a high probability that we are around the peak and no attempt at risk management. Certainly some political and public figures have mentioned peak oil, though clearly with limited understanding and always as a longer term issue. In its five year strategy, published this year, the Sustainable Energy Authority of Ireland ignores it entirely. The ESRI, those cardinals of the status quo, recently published some very limited work on the implications of high oil prices for the Irish economy, but only when Siemens Ireland prodded them into doing so.

Ireland is not unique in ignoring the subject, though things are changing elsewhere. The UK’s Observer recently reported that government ministers were far more concerned about peak oil than they had admitted and were involved in secret talks between the The Department of Energy and Climate Change, The Ministry of Defence, and the Bank of England.

The standard retort to the threat of peak oil is that rising oil prices will encourage substitutes, new technologies, and conservation. While these are presented as truths, they are in fact contingent observations born out of the energy surpluses that facilitated economic growth over the last two centuries. We have neither the time nor resources to adapt, and economies cannot pay arbitrarily high oil prices.

More particularly, it matters little what technologies are in the pipeline, the potential of wind power in some choice location, or that the European Commission has a target: if a severe economic and structural collapse occurs before their enactment, then they may never happen.

Even those who claim to be enacting policy to manage the implications of peak oil are clearly confused. Large-scale grid upgrades, electrification of transport, smart energy technology, and wave power are probably a waste of money and effort. The assumptions contained in their planning and technology are predicated on a globalised growth economy.

So what might peak oil mean? The recently leaked German army report, drawing upon research by The Risk/ Resilience Network and Feasta, argues: Investment will decline and debt service will be challenged, leading to a crash in financial markets, accompanied by a loss of trust in currencies and a break-up of value and supply chains-because trade is no longer possible. This would in turn lead to the collapse of economies, mass unemployment, government defaults and infrastructure breakdowns, ultimately followed by famines and total system collapse.

They are not referring to what we currently perceive of as fragile states, but to advanced complex societies, finely integrated into the global economy.  Indeed, it is the de-localisation of our basic welfare and the integration and complexity of the globalised economy that magnifies our risks.  A systemic collapse is posited that would leave no area of life unaffected and overwhelm the ability of governments to manage.

So how are we to understand such large impacts from what might seem to be small declines in global oil production? The first thing to be aware of is that peak oil is not a simple transport and petrochemical problem, but a systemic predicament. All systems; life, economies and civilisations require flows of concentrated energy to maintain their structure and to allow growth. If we do not maintain the flows of energy through the systems we depend upon, they decay.

As humans, energy in the form of food allows us to live. Our civilisation and the economy that supports it similarly need flows of energy to function. The crucial difference is that once humans reach maturity their energy intake stabilises, while our globalising economy has adapted to continuous growth and thus, rising energy flows. Declining oil production will force a continual economic contraction. That is, unless we could deploy efficiency measures and substitutes at the correct scale, quality and with appropriate timing to counter the effects of declining oil production; a very long shot.

Oil also has an impact on the most non-discretionary of purchases, namely food. Food production is already becoming strained as ecological degradation, water constraints, and the burgeoning effects of climate change push against a rising population and changing diets. But the most significant development of the Green Revolution of the 1950’s and 1960’s was to put food production on a fossil fuel platform. This expanded food production and drove down prices. The result was population expansion which drove more ecological degradation and resource demands. The result is that now even more people are dependent upon an even less diverse and more fragile resource base. Declines in oil production are likely not only to reduce global food production, but to undermine the economic systems that made food accessible and affordable.

While we may directly understand our economic position through our work or shopping, or through the psychodrama of national economic argument, our actual welfare is maintained through our integration with the globalised economy. The things we rely upon such as our food, IT systems, banking, monetary stability, transport, electricity services and the viability of our own jobs are dependent upon trillions of productive efforts and economic transactions which criss-cross the planet.

There are two sides to this myriad network of exchange. The first is the goods and services produced, which always require energy and resource flows. The second side is the flow of money and credit that enables the transactions. Money has no intrinsic value, you cannot eat or wear it, but it makes a claim on real things. And credit, from the Latin root to believe is indeed also an act of faith.

Credit is at the foundation of our monetary and economic system, and by extension the complex supply-chains that integrate a globalised economy. People only lend because they expect that you can service the principal plus interest into the future. While this makes sense in a growing economy, it becomes untenable in a terminally contracting one. In other words, reduced energy flows cannot maintain the economic production required to service debt. Debt outstanding cannot be repaid in real terms, leaving only default and hyper-inflation.

Of course the debt-burden and deficits of many countries are already unsustainable at.. Furthermore, in our integrated globalised economy the profligate and parsimonious are tied together. A contagious default of some Euro-zone countries could initiate deep trouble for the UK and US economies; imperilling German banks and Chinese exports. So the global economy could begin to topple before we see spikes in oil prices.

Alternatively, if we can, through faith, even more borrowing and stimulus, hold up the economy just a little longer, we are going to hit declines in oil production. Oil and food prices may rise, contracting the economy and making the un-sustainability of our debt-burden obvious even to the most clueless.

In either case, many of the economic implications may be similar. The effects of de-leveraging would drive reductions in energy demand, not constraints on production. Food, energy, debt servicing and other essentials would take up more and more of peoples’ available and declining purchasing power. Businesses will close and jobs will be lost in the discretionary economy. Already-battered banks will lose capital, and sky-high interests rates will reflect their negative perception of the future credit worthiness of the economy. Asset prices will fall, and the cost of debt servicing will rise relative to the shrinking money supply in the economy. Defaults, bank runs, mass unemployment and collapses in government finances will ensue. Purchasing power will drop further, more jobs are lost, and so on. These processes are well-understood debt deflation dynamics.

Crucially, energy demand could fall dramatically and with that, prices. The lack of affordable credit, low and volatile prices, and an overhang of spare capacity in oil, gas and coal production will dry up investment in new production including renewable energy. The result is that if growth were to pick up again some decade hence, it would again be constrained by reduced purchasing power and much lower energy caps. The latter will be set by natural decline in established production, lack of investment in new production, and the decay of energy and other infrastructure through years of non-use and lack of maintenance.

It takes the technical, social, infrastructural, and economic resources of an optimised globalised economy at its peak to extract and use our current energy flows, and even then oil production cannot be maintained.  There may indeed be plenty of fossil fuels left in the ground, but following a major systemic collapse, most may remain there as that capacity dies away.

Ultimately the deflationary pressures will start to give way to currency re-issues, currency devaluations, inflation and hyper-inflation. Bank intermediation, credit, and confidence in money holding value are the foundation of the complex trade networks upon which we rely. With their failure we could see supply-chain collapse.

The risks extend to the complex infrastructures such as the grid and IT networks, transport, sewage and water. Their dependence on large economies of scale, the purchasing power within economies, and continual re-supply through highly complex resource intensive and specialised supply-chains will be challenged. Furthermore their co-dependency may mean that failure in one will cause cascading failure.

Finally, the integration and complexity of the globalised economy means that no country will avoid some level of collapse. The principal risk management challenge is not about how we introduce the energy infrastructure and conservation measures to maintain the systems we depend upon, but about how we deal with not having the energy and other resources to maintain those systems.

We are not talking about abstract consequences in an abstract future. They are growing real-time risks that may have a rapid on-set. This is an urgent societal issue, and although there are many things we can do if we accept the risks, we cannot say we were not warned.

David Korowicz is director of the Risk/ Resilience Network, a member of Feasta, The Foundation for the Economics of Sustainability,and author of Tipping Point: Near-term Systemic Implications of a Peak in Global Oil Production. This article also appeared in ‘Village’ magazine.

Posted in Economics, Energy, Global Warming, Sustainability | Tagged , , , , , , | 15 Comments

The economics of climate change: discounting the future, ignoring the poor?

Economists looking at climate change face a difficult task, with uncertain climate models, chaotic climate systems and possible catastrophic threshold effects. Often, when looking at the impacts of climate change different mitigation/adaptation options and emission scenarios will be looked at, and the economist will recommend a certain range of policy measures or course of action (and sometimes inaction) as the most economically sound.

When you see this, there are two important economic principles that, when understood, can help change how much faith you put in the economist’s recommendation.

The first, and most important in my view, is the discount rate.

The discount rate is an important and sensible part of any sober economic analysis. Basically, it can be explained thus: would you rather have €10 now, or €20 euro in 10 years?

Most people will choose €10 euro now – a rational and sensible choice. To reflect this decision making in their models, economists discount future values – this can be a range of values – the higher the discount rate, the more the immediate (€10 now) is valued over the long term (€20 in 10 years).

This makes good sense and reflects how we make decisions.

When looking at the long term, discounting has one important effect: it discounts the future! This seems to be stating the obvious, but over the long term impacts of this can be severe. While any individual would prefer €10 now to €1000 in 100 years,(due mainly to the fact that they think they will be dead) and economics reflects this rational individual choice, if you are looking at it from a societal point of view perhaps discounting the future is not such a good choice. Why should the future be valued as less important than today?

At this point, some form of value judgement needs to be made. If you believe that those who will live in the future should be valued as much as those currently alive, pay very close attention to the discount rate in economics.

The second important thing to pay attention to in climate economics is the very nature of economic models. Normally, these are denominated in dollars or euros. Again, economists build models of the future (discounted, obviously) and look at different options based on emissions scenarios, mitigation and adaptation options. Often they will then model global GDP in the future and recommend policy actions on this basis.

This is a sensible way of doing things, however looking at global GDP can have one very important effect. While economists working on climate change and it’s impacts are careful not to value people’s lives according to the GDP they produce, any economic model looking at the impacts of climate change can have a tendency to favour those who are already rich and produce a significant proportion of global GDP.

Again a value judgement is necessary here. If you believe all people are equal, looking at  Global GDP can mean that those in rich wealthy states – generally global north, so less affected by climate change, initially at least, and with most money to adapt – who produce most GDP in dollars will be ‘valued’ much more than a poor African farmer on a subsistence wage free pokies online, whose contribution to global GDP is negligible.

Given the current huge levels of inequality in the global system, any model that primarily looks at GDP means that economic model will favour those are already wealthy, and are likely to remain so. Making policy decisions on this basis will tend to perpetuate this inequality, and valuing people solely by the dollars they contribute to global GDP in a discounted future is not a value system I would want to base my decision making on – at least not without first understanding the underlying principles being used in these models.

To counteract the effect of widely differing GDP between countries on economic modelling, often economists will use what is called ‘equity weighting’. With this method, emphasis is put on the increase and decreases in GDP in specific countries or regions, with this then fed back into models on a weighted basis, as opposed to the world as a whole just being examined for absolute changes in GDP.

For example:- many of the initial effects of climate change on the wealthy developed countries (mainly those in the global North) will be positive e.g. less deaths due to cold in winter. As the developed countries takes such a huge chunk of global GDP, any positive effects on the north will have a significant positive effect on global GDP, at least for the initial impacts of climate change.

Conversely, as the global south controls a small portion of GDP, any negative effects there – even if very large for those countries individual GDP – would not have a large effect on overall global GDP. However, the effects on the people in these countries could be catastrophic, especially for those already on the margins of society.

The effects of climate change are already being felt by those in the south, and they will continue to be the ones who bear the worst impacts of climate change first, even though they can afford it least, and are least responsible for the CO2 causing the problem.

Equity weighting can partially correct for this inherent bias towards countries which are already rich.

Any good economist knows this, and will flag it in their work on the economic impacts of climate change. Often however, it will not be given the prominence that some feel it might deserve – for example, in this paper  “Checking The Price Tag On Catastrophe: The Social Cost Of Carbon Under Non-Linear Climate Response” – the following is the final note, on the final page:

“Although not discussed in reference to the scenarios presented here, with equity weighting the projected damages of climate change increase significantly, including in explorations of severe climate change damages (Tol, 2003). Choices about discount schemes are critical to the final 21 marginal damage projections, and these are partly ethical decisions about how to treat future generations that can only be made by policy-makers”

I am not sure if the final note on the final page is the best place for this information, but at least this is highlighted in the paper. Let’s hope policymakers are paying close attention to the papers they are presented with, including the very last note on the very final page.

Posted in Economics, Global Warming, Sceptics | Tagged , , , , | 61 Comments

Science trumps journalism

Article below appears in the current edition of ‘Village’ magazine. It is a response of sorts to an unusually poor contribution in a previous edition by a journalism lecturer in an article purporting to offer critical insights into the interplay between science and journalism…

IMAGINE IF the world’s largest assembly of scientific experts published a ‘consensus report’ confirming that, with a 90 per cent probability, a giant meteor would slam into the planet within a decade. How would you expect the world’s media to cover this story?

This intriguing scenario is set out by the former editor of Fortune magazine, Eric Pooley in a recent Harvard University analysis of the American press and its coverage of the economics of climate change. “Even in an era of financial distress, they would throw teams of reporters at it and give them the resources needed to follow it in extraordinary depth and detail”, writes Pooley. “After all, the race to stop the meteor would be the story of the century.” Continue reading →

Posted in Global Warming, Irish Focus, Media, Sustainability | 16 Comments

Agriculture and Climate Change: Transformation or Decline

The Irish agricultural sector accounts for 40% of domestic sector emissions (those emissions not covered by the emissions trading scheme), or 27% of overall Irish greenhouse gas emissions. This is much higher than any other EU country, and among developed countries only New Zealand compares internationally.

Although EPA projections forecast a marginal decrease in agricultural emissions by 2020, the abolition of milk quotas combined with higher global demand may limit any reductions. A recent Department of Agriculture Paper states that the increased output envisaged in the national dairy herd could increase emissions by 12%.

The uncomfortable reality is that an increase in emissions from Ireland’s largest polluting sector would scupper Ireland’s climate change policy and render achieving Ireland’s target impossible. Continue reading →

Posted in Global Warming | 2 Comments

A new champion for climate justice

Below is the interview as published over two pages in the main section of yesterday’s Sunday Tribune:

Mary Robinson doesn’t scare easily. In the course of more than four decades in public life, it’s easy to forget that she has been pilloried at least as much as praised at home and abroad. The radical young lawyer and Senator in the Ireland of the late 1960s could hardly have picked a more incendiary set of issues upon which to challenge the status quo than contraception, gay rights, women’s rights and the status of children.

Decades later, as the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, her highlighting of atrocities and ‘collective punishment’ of Palestinian civilians in particular earned her the wrath of the Bush administration and the powerful US Jewish lobby (one conservative publication suggested she be indicted for ‘war crimes’). Washington was reportedly apoplectic that this fiercely independent figure doggedly refused to come to heel. Continue reading →

Posted in Global Warming, Irish Focus, Sceptics, Sustainability | 11 Comments

Two scientists, a journalist and a duck

In an episode of the acerbic TV series, Yes Minister, The Minister for Administrative Affairs has to respond to an awkward scientific finding (smoking causing lung cancer, or something similar). His cynical senior civil servant, Sir Humphrey has the perfect advice:

“Say there is disagreement among the scientists. Say more research is needed. Scientists are always disagreeing with each other, and there is always room for more research”.

This in turn brings to mind a terrific little allegory, compliments of the estimable Dr. Boli’s Fables for Children Who Are Too Old to Believe in Fables.

———————————————

Once, two scientists – it hardly matters what sort – were walking before dinner beside a pleasant pond with their friend, a reporter for the Dispatch, when they happened to notice a bird standing beside the water. Continue reading →

Posted in Global Warming, Media, Sustainability | 2 Comments

Here’s to you, Mrs Robinson

It has been a bruising couple of days for the image of politics in Ireland. Yesterday morning, of course, we had a tired-and-emotional performance on RTE radio by Taoiseach Brian Cowen. A few hours earlier, junior minister Conor Lenihan had sent the squirm factor off the charts with his bizarre decision to preside at the launch an anti-evolution tirade authored by an obscure constituent suffering from an acute case of the Dunning-Kruger effect.

Regular mortification was of course compounded by the fact that Conor Lenihan is Science Minister. It was a bit like sending our education minister to a book burning, or catching the justice minister laundering red diesel. Lenihan did back down as the firestorm broke over him, but still planned to attend the ‘book’ launch in Dublin earlier this evening, pointing out that “diversity of opinion is a good thing”. No matter how dumb, ill-informed or just plain wrong that opinion may be, it appears. The assault on science and the scientific method is, it appears, by no means restricted to the Tea Party lunatic fringes of US politics. Continue reading →

Posted in Global Warming, Irish Focus, Media | 71 Comments