I was back on the op-ed page of The Irish Times in mid-September with a piece looking at the disproportionate influence of the farm lobby on Irish politics and public life. This followed an Irish Times investigation earlier in the month into the number of Oireachtas members who are landowners. This found – unsurprisingly – that farming is massively over-represented among our elected politicians relative to the actual numbers involved in the sector. I have long been puzzled by the frequent mantra-like use of the term ‘rural Ireland’ by politicians and lobbyists to conjur up this monolithic group of farm-dwellers. The reality, as I explore below, is that even within rural Ireland itself, farmers are a small minority of the two million or so people who live there, yet the farm lobby has somehow appropriated their voices to amplify its own political and electoral significance, with most politicians still bending the knee to agri-industrial interests. The Irish Times article can be found here.
WHEN HE WAS taoiseach, Leo Varadkar argued for special treatment for Irish agriculture, on the basis that we are, in his words, “feeding 50 million people”.
Earlier this year, Varadkar – now retired from politics – expressed some markedly different views on the Paths to Power podcast. He noted that farmers “still see themselves as the people who bring money and jobs into Ireland, where actually a lot of the time they bring costs on Ireland”.
Presenter Matt Cooper pointed out that farmers are not the main source of food in Ireland, as it is estimated that around 80 per cent of food consumed in Ireland is imported.
Varadkar replied: “It’s actually worse than that. We now have so many cattle in Ireland that we can’t grow enough grass to feed them. So we bring in grain from South America, from Mercosur countries, to feed the cattle and we bring in oil-based fertilisers from other parts of the world. And that then pollutes our rivers, and then we all pay the bill.”
While Varadkar was subsequently excoriated for his remarks, they capture some broad truths. Yet no politician still in the Dáil would be likely to voice this view for fear of being hounded from office, so powerful is the farming lobby.
When we joined the EEC in 1973, that power was borne out by the numbers: one in four of the workforce was employed in farming, and the sector was the backbone of the economy. Today, the situation is radically different, with only one in 25 whose principal employment is in agriculture, forestry and fishing. Yet the agricultural lobby continues to exercise an influence entirely disproportionate to the numbers involved, and to its actual contribution to the national economy.
This can at least in part be explained by the fact that the sector is vastly over-represented in the Oireachtas. While barely four per cent of the working Irish population works in one of those three sectors, some 15 per cent of our elected national politicians are farmers or landowners, according to an investigation by The Irish Times published this week. They include Minister for Agriculture Martin Heydon, who has the largest agricultural landholding among Ireland’s national politicians – a total of 245 acres.
While in 2023, there were around 133,000 farmholders, nationally the population of rural Ireland is just over 1.9 million. This means that even in rural areas, farmers are now a single digit minority of the local population. There are tens of thousands of teachers, civil servants, office workers, engineers, nurses and homemakers living and working in rural areas who have no connection whatever with agriculture, and get virtually none of their food from local farms. Yet when politicians or media commentators evoke “rural Ireland” most people think of farming.
Why this matters is that politicians mistakenly conflate this huge voting bloc of nearly two million with the vastly smaller farming community. As in the Wizard of Oz, it’s only when you pull back the curtain that you discover that the wizard is no giant after all.
The best recent illustration of the illusion of farming power occurred during the 2025 presidential election, when no fewer than nine former Irish Farmers’ Association (IFA) presidents jointly called on “rural Ireland” to back Fine Gael’s candidate, Heather Humphreys. She lost by a landslide, only winning in one of 43 constituencies.
While the sector’s political influence is completely out of kilter with its actual size, this is in turn amplified by the iron grip that the livestock industry exercises over three critical State agencies with a combined budget of over €2.5 billion. These are the Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine, Bord Bia, the Irish food board and Teagasc, the state agri-research agency.
As former EPA director, Micheál O’Cinnéide told an Oireachtas committee hearing in late 2023, Irish agriculture policy is controlled almost entirely by “vested interests in a narrow room”. It’s not much of an exaggeration to say the role of the minister and their officials is largely for handshakes and photo ops; the real decision-making is in the hands of senior agri-PLC executives and the farming lobbyists who collaborate closely with them.
Environmental sustainability is at the heart of Bord Bia’s mission statement yet its board is chaired by Larry Murrin, the chief executive of Dawn Farms, a meat company, and there is no environmental or ecological expertise at board level other than a “sustainability and business development consultant”.
Teagasc is similar. Until recently, five of the eleven members of the Teagasc Authority, including its chair, were dairy farmers, with no representation from tillage, beef farming, organics or the entire environmental sector. It’s less lopsided today, but it’s hard to avoid an impression of agency capture by the industry.
Teagasc’s dairy “roadmap” for 2027 sees milk output continue to grow, with another 1.5 billion litres of annual output due by then, yet the state agri-research agency pays remarkably little attention to the likelihood that serious climate or geopolitical impacts might put the kibosh on its growth forecasts.
Industry-led efforts to magic away the global warming impacts of methane emissions from ruminant livestock farming found their way into the 2025 Programme for Government, which included recognition of what it termed the “distinct characteristics of biogenic methane”. The programme also committed to advocate for methane to be reclassified at EU and global level. This is yet another attempt by the livestock sector to cut regulations, not emissions.
Earlier this year, Denmark took the bold step of abolishing its agriculture department, its incoming government apparently having grasped that reform was impossible due to near-total industry capture. Were Ireland to follow suit with our Department of Agriculture, I believe both Teagasc and Bord Bia should also be dissolved and their functions taken over by a new department of national food security that wrestles control of our food system from those “vested interests in narrow rooms”.
As of this year, Ireland is the only country in the EU27 with a nitrates derogation, which is, in essence, a licence to pollute. In return, there was a widespread expectation in Brussels that Ireland would support the Mercosur trade deal; yet once again, the Government capitulated to lobbying by livestock interests, squandering valuable political capital in the process.
As then National Dairy Council chief, Zoe Kavanagh, put it: “the public is feeling that the national value and economic contribution are not as strong as the price being paid on the environmental cost.”
Leo Varadkar’s glimpse behind the curtain showed him that “what is in the interests of farmers and agriculture is by and large not in the interests of Ireland as a nation”. Critically, what we need from our agriculture sector is food sovereignty and biodiversity protection.
A genuinely resilient, diversified Irish agriculture system focused on feeding people rather than livestock, would also help us mitigate against climate shocks to international food supply chains. We will never get the change we urgently need as long as our politicians remain convinced it’s too risky to be honest with us.
John Gibbons is an environmental journalist and author of The Lie of the Land – The Truth About Farming, Climate & Power in Ireland

In a rush of optimism, I had gone for a bigger venue – the Royal Irish Academy in Dublin’s Dawson Street – which realistically needed upwards 75 attendees to look reasonably busy. As the date approached, my anxiety intensified as I scrambled to complete a series of last minute tasks related to the launch.

